چکیده مقالات کارگاه بین المللی فرهنگ زیارت ائمه اطهار (ع) و اولیاء از منظر مطالعات تطبیقی

Material Culture and Religious Practice among Contemporary Twelver Shiite Muslims in Mumbai.
Kenji Kuruda
In this paper, I would like to explore relation between materials and religious faith by focusing on the role of models of Imam’s shrines in religious practice among contemporary Twelver Shiite Muslims in Mumbai. It is often said that there is no religion without materials. In fact, it is very easy to find academic studies on religious materiality in Buddhism, Hinduism, and Christianity and so on. On the other hand, it is difficult to find academic studies on materiality in Islam. Although there is specific critical tradition about materiality such as statues or icons in Islamic tradition in terms of iconolatry, such critiques are common with other religion such as Christian and Jewish tradition. Thus development of materiality in such religions indicates some relationship between materiality and immateriality. At the same time it is necessary to pay attention to materiality even in Islamic tradition.
In this paper, I focus on Shiite Muslims in Mumbai. Mumbai has been a famous Shiite community in India behind Lucknow and Hyderabad since 19th century. Although materiality is not limited to Shiism in Mumbai, it is beneficial for study to focus on Shiism in Mumbai. In Twelver Shi’as community in Mumbai, various materials are used for religious practice. While some of them are common with other Shiite communities including Iran or Indian version, some of them are typical goods in India such as models of Imam’s shrines. Models of Imam’s shrines are enshrined in Imambara or Zaynabiye or homes. Twelvers including Hoja Ithna Ashariya in Mumbai perform commemoration and other religious practices in front of them. It is possible to say Models of Imam’s shrines are holy material for Twelvers in Mumbai. Thus I would like to describe relation between materiality and immateriality in Shiite Muslims in Mumbai by focusing on Models of Imam’s shrines.

The Role of Portraiture in Ziyarat Ahl al-Qobur: Saints, Kings, Sufi Masters, Mujtahids, and Martyrs (Iran-Iraq war)
Pedram Khosronejad
Sayyida Zaynab in Damascus versus Sayyida Zaynab in Cairo: A Comparison between Two Venerations of the Same Saint. Pierre-Jean Luizard
Sayyida Zaynab who wails and Sayyida Zaynab who smiles … Even if the grave of Sayyida Zaynab is most probably in Damascus, the saint is also venerated in Cairo where another famous grave and mosque are dedicated to her. Zaynab was the third child of Ali and Fatima, the daughter of the Prophet, who, according to the legend, had chosen himself her name through a divine inspiration. Zaynab remained famous because of her brave attitude at the occasion of the Battle of Karbala, which witnessed the death of her brother, and for having protected with dignity her family when the Omeyyad proceeded to jail its members.
First open to both Sunni and Shi’a, the pilgrimage at Sayyida Zaynab in Damascus “chiitized” at the end of the 19th century. The small Syrian Twelver Shi’a community kept the control of the grave through the waqf directed by the family Murtada since the 14th century. Sayyida Zaynab in Damascus was finally considered a Shi’i holy place and served a substitute at a time when Iraq holy cities were out of reach during the regime of Saddam Hussein.
In Cairo, the Zaynab mosque was first built at the same time as the Husayn mosque. It was renewed in 1549, rebuilt in 1761, then once again in 1884 and 1942. Its façade, minaret and dome illustrate a typical Mameluk style. Zaynab is considered the most famous female patron saint of Cairo and its mawlid attracts each year a massive crowd of jubilant pilgrims. In Cairo, Sayyida Zaynab mosque and grave is one of the many holy places venerated through the rituals of a popular piety by Sufi brotherhoods. We will compare how the same figure of a female saint can be regarded through two versions of Islam, Shi’ism and Sunnism, in the sight of the history of the grave and mosque and the description of the devotion and rituals in each of both places. Imam Veneration and Pilgrimage to their Tombs from Iran to Ottoman Iraq.
Tomoko Morikawa
In the Shi’ite society, Imams are venerated as the most important saints and spiritual pillars. Shi’ite Muslims have a lot of tombs of their Imams, especially in Iran and Iraq, and they frequently visit those tombs and pray there.
In this paper I would like to trace and examine Shi’ite pilgrimage to Imams’ tombs or mausoleums from Iran to Ottoman Iraq in the nineteenth century. In Iraq, there are four Shi’ite shrine cities: Najaf, Karbala, Kazimayn and Samarra. These cities are generally called ‘Atabat-i ‘aliyat, which means ‘sublime thresholds’, and because they house the tombs of six of the Imams, they are revered as holy places. The ‘Atabat has been the primary destination for the Shi’ite pilgrims, who visit for ziyara, to pray and to ask for the Imams’ protection.
In the nineteenth century, this flow of pilgrims, especially those from Iran, reached its zenith. The number of Iranian pilgrims to the ‘Atabat was around one hundred thousand per year, which was one per cent of the nation’s population at the time. This paper will examine the Iranian pilgrims to the Iraqi ‘Atabat, with special attention paid to their way of ziyara. How was their journey? Where did they visit? And where did they not visit? In Iraq, there are many holy sites (tombs and maqams) not only for Shi’ite Imams but also for Sunni or Sufi saints; through the sources of Persian travel-literature and Ottoman documents we can find ziyara practices particular to Iranian Shi’ite Muslims and their remarkable consistency in visiting shrines only of Shi’ite Imams.

The Shii Shrines of Syria during the Past Three Decades.
Yasser Tabbaa
The past three decades have witnessed a substantial increase in the number of Shi’i shrines in Syria coupled with an unprecedented surge in the number of visitors to these shrines. Although some of these shrines, particualry Sayyida Zaynab in Damascus, have long historical roots and steady sources of patronage, most of them have been entirely built, rebuilt, or considerably expanded in between 1980 and the current civil war in Syria. Interestingly, another war—the Iran-Iraq war between 1979 and 1988—indirectly contributed to the efflorescence of Shi’i shrines, which were promoted as an alternate to the Iraqi sacred shrines, a point of siginficant convergence between the Iranian and Syrian governments.
Following a survey of about 18 shrines that largely extend along the central spine of Syria—Damascus, Homs, Hama, and Aleppo—and eastward to Raqqa, the paper will focus on the two main Damascene shrines—Ruqayya and Zaynab—which are by far the most frequently visited and the most architecturally interesting. Furthermore, both commemorate women, making these two shrines especially popular among women visitors of different generations. Having witnessed the architectural development of both shrines, in particular Ruqayya, the presenter will discuss the history of these shrines, the sources of their patronage, the nature of their architecture, and their current place within Syrian society. At first condemned by the the Department of Antiquities and the press as intrusive violations, they have since been accomodated and largely accepted by many Damascenes, who view them as an important source of income and even as a welcoming space for prayer and contemplation.

Reflections of Saint Veneration on Sufi Material Culture.
Humeyra Uludag
The saint, who is believed to be the successor and follower of the Prophet Muhammad and the caliph of God, bestows graces and blessings upon his devotees. With his human character on the one hand, and his proximity to the divine on the other, the saint is like a bridge between God and men. With his ability to command over men and objects which is bestowed upon him by God, the saint influences temporal world and his prayers are more likely to be accepted. For a layman, believing in the spiritual power of a saint and showing total obedience and veneration to him is a condition sine qua non to receive his favor and benediction, and draw inspiration from him. And through these privileged men of God, he can get a chance to approach the divine.
This veneration shown to the saints also helps to create mystical air on the physical environment. And this atmosphere usually refers to some venerated attributions orkaramas (miracles) of the saint. We come across veneration shown to the saints in every step of the mystical life. This veneration -which is usually expressed by a symbolical language-, has penetrated into the tiniest details of daily life from the design of dervish lodges, graveyards and tombs to their decoration and ornamentation, from dervish clothes to the language of prayers and poems recited during the dhikr ceremonies and even to the culture of lodge cuisine. In this paper I will try to argue, how veneration of saints helps creating the mystical environment and its possible effects on the beholder as a result of mutual interaction in the scope of Ottoman mystical tradition. Qadamgāh (stepping place) in Central Asia and Caucasus: Commemorative Monument and/or Tomb Veneration.
Thierry Zarcone
This presentation deals with the particular role played by the qadamgâh or stepping place in tomb and saint veneration in Central Asia. Although considered similar to a mazar (tomb) and being the focus of a pilgrimage and rituals, the qadamgâh is originally far to be a grave (qabr) or a mausoleum (mazâr); it is actually a place where a saint stopped or stayed for a while and a “commemorative monument”. In the course of time, the place was turned into a sacred area with the erection of an oratory generally surmounted by a cuppola (gumbadh), an architecture that is usually that of a tomb or mausoleum. Following a general presentation of the qadamgâh in Central Asia and in Caucasus, this presentation will try to understand the process of transformation of this stepping place into a tomb. Several examples of major qadamgâh in Central Asia will be investigated, especially those of Imâm ‘Alî and of Afâq Khwâja.